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Imagine a situation where you and your vehicle are all set for a perfect smooth drive but you have no clue of your destination? Most probably, you will not able to even start your journey. Now just flip the situation where you are intending to go, you have drawn a map and have full realization of travel requirements but you have neither a car nor the fuel to translate your travel plan into actuality.

 

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Super-typhoon Haiyan (known locally as Yolanda) tore through the Philippines exactly one year ago, devastating thousands of lives and leaving millions of people homeless. It was the strongest typhoon to make landfall ever recorded, causing a storm surge that ripped through coastal neighbourhoods and agricultural lands across much of central Philippines. The international humanitarian community responded quickly and most generously to the humanitarian needs in the wake of Haiyan. While the scale of the disaster was in many ways unprecedented, Asia is already the most disaster-prone region in the world, and worryingly, the impacts of these disasters are growing. In the most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment, scientists foresaw, with high confidence, that "extreme climate events will have an increasing impact on human health, security, livelihoods, and poverty, with the type and magnitude of impact varying across Asia.

 

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A number of contributors provided valuable input during the preparation of this report. We would like to thank the Sindh Coastal Development Authority, the District Government of Badin, NDMA, PDMA Sindh, Laar Humanitarian and Development Program, and the Global Change Impact Studies Center. Our Colleagues at Oxfam Novib provided wonderful support by facilitating overall coordination and management during the process. We sincerely thank all the men and women that spared their time and participated in the community group discussions in different areas of Badin.

 

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Disaster risk reduction is the preparation and application of policies, strategies and practices to minimize vulnerabilities and hence disaster risk throughout society. It is the concept and practice of reducing disaster risks through systematic efforts to analyze and manage the causal factors of disasters, including through reduced exposure to hazards, lessened vulnerability of people and property, wise management of land and the environment, and improved preparedness for adverse events.

 

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Large fluctuations in energy prices have been a distinguishing characteristic of the U.S. economy since the 1970s. Turmoil in the Middle East, rising energy prices in the U.S. and evidence of global warming recently have reignited interest in the link between energy prices and economic performance. This paper addresses a number of the key issues in this debate: What are energy price shocks and where do they come from? How responsive is energy demand to changes in energy prices? How do consumers’ expenditure patterns evolve in response to energy price shocks? How do energy price shocks affect real output, inflation, stock markets and the balance-of-payments? Why do energy price increases seem to cause recessions, but energy price decreases do not seem to cause expansions? Why has there been a surge in gasoline prices in recent years? Why has this new energy price shock not caused a recession so far? Have the effects of energy price shocks waned since the 1980s and, if so, why? As the paper demonstrates, it is critical to account for the endogeneity of energy prices and to differentiate between the effects of demand and supply shocks in energy markets, when answering these questions.

 

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The discussions about adaptation finance have mostly been about process: how money should be raised and how adaptation spending should be governed and monitored. This paper seeks to move the focus of the debate back towards the substance of adaptation by asking what “good adaptation” in developing countries would look like. We argue that the best use of funds in the short term may be for “soft”, or less tangible developmental activities that increase adaptive capacity. Building a minimum level of adaptive capacity everywhere is central to efficient, effective and equitable adaptation and yields immediate benefits irrespective of future climate regimes. We discuss a number of operational challenges in delivering this kind of adaptation, including a preoccupation with additional  – which makes the integration of adaptation and development harder – and a preference for “concrete” and more readily visible adaptation projects. We leave open the question of whether and how the adaptation regime that is emerging from the Cancun Agreements will be able to deliver wise adaptation decisions, but our analysis recognizes that further institutional development is required.

 

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The Climate Vulnerability Index (CVI) is based on a framework which incorporates a wide range of issues. It is a holistic methodology for water resources evaluation in keeping with the sustainable livelihoods approach used by many donor organisations to evaluate development progress. The scores of the index range on a scale of 0 to 100, with the total being generated as a weighted average of six major components. Each of the components is also scored from 0 to 100. Values representing the CVI components in the present are determined on the basis of quantitative and qualitative data, and potential future changes are assessed using scenarios of climate and other forms of global change.

 

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In March 2010 Fonterra released the results of an 18-month study into the carbon footprint of its major dairy ingredient and consumer products. Fonterra’s work was part funded by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, and was undertaken by the University of New South Wales, SCION and AgResearch.

 

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Climate change is a global phenomenon and a challenging reality for thinkers, planners, policymakers and professionals alike. It is a phenomenon that is likely to impact almost every sector of Pakistan’s economy. Today it stands not only as a major environmental issue but also as a multi-dimensional developmental issue. It was in this backdrop that the Planning Commission of Pakistan set up a ‘Task Force on Climate Change’ (TFCC) in October 2008 to provide appropriate guidelines for ensuring security of vital resources of the country such as food, water and energy. The key task assigned to the TFCC was to contribute to the formulation of a climate change policy that would assist the government in pursuing the paramount goal of sustained economic growth by appropriately addressing the challenges posed by the climate change.

 

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Over the last thirty plus years the use of transferable permits to control pollution has evolved from little more than an academic curiosity to the centerpiece of the US program to control acid rain and international programs to control greenhouse gases. What explains this rather remarkable transition? How was the approach shaped by economic theory and empirical research?

 

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